198
Fig. 1. Aion from Modena (CIMRM 695)
Taken over from Reinhold Merkelbach, Mithras, Königstein/Ts: Hein 1984, fig. 74.
XIII/2005/2/Studie
Hyenas or Lionesses?
Mithraism and Women in the Religious
World of the Late Antiquity
Ale‰ Chalupa*
Only men were initiated into the Mysteries of Mithras. This conclusion
was for the first time drawn by Franz Cumont as early as 1899. After having put together the corpus of all literary, archaeological and epigraphic
evidence relevant to this religion, the Belgian scholar immediately became aware of one remarkable fact: all the monuments and dedicatory inscriptions were made only by men.1 Cumont believed that this situation
was caused by the practice of a rigorous ascetic discipline, which prevented women from striving for the initiation into the Mysteries of Mithras and from moving up their initiatory ladder.2 As a result, women occupied only inferior position among the Mithraists. Cumont considered this
rule to be valid for all Mithraic communities in the west.3 Nevertheless, he
was aware of the existence of several finds which disturbed his scheme.
Neoplatonist Porphyry might have mentioned initiatory grade “lioness” in
* Abbreviations used in the following text are: AE = L’Année Épigraphique; ANRW =
Hildegart Temporini – Wolfgang Haase (eds.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen
Welt, Berlin – New York: Walter de Gruyter 1974- ; BNP I = Mary Beard – John North
– Simon Price, Religions of Rome I: A History, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press 1998; BNP II = iid., Religions of Rome II: A Sourcebook, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press 1998; CIL = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin 1863-; CIMRM
= Maarten J. Vermaseren (ed.), Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum Religionis
Mithriacae I-II, Haag: Martinus Nijhoff 1956-1960; EJMS = Electronic Journal of
Mithraic Studies <http://www.uhu.es/ejms>; EPRO = Études préliminaires aux religions oriental dans l’empire romain; IRT = Joyce M. Reynolds – John B. Ward-Perkins,
The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania, Roma: British School at Rome 1952; JMS =
Journal of Mithraic Studies; JRA = Journal of Roman Archaeology; JRS = Journal of
Roman Studies; ZPE = Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik; [ ] = corrupted or
reconstructed reading; ( ) = text or letters omitted.
1 Franz Cumont, Textes et monuments figurés relatifs aux mystère de Mithra I, Brussels:
H. Lamertin 1899, 330; cf. also id., Die Mystèrien des Mithras, Leipzig – Berlin:
Teubner 31923, 163. – The above-mentioned corpus is F. Cumont, Textes et monuments…II, Brussels: H. Lamertin 1896.
2 F. Cumont, Die Mysterien…, 163.
3 Ibid., 163, n. 1.
200
Ale‰ Chalupa
one of his works4 narrowly corresponding with the funerary inscription
from North African Tripolis (ancient Oea), which also uses the title “lioness” when speaking about a woman.5 However, Cumont considered
these cases to be isolated and anomalous, possibly reflecting the extraordinary ways in some local communities influenced by the Orient.6
Cumont’s conclusion still appears to be valid at the present time. In
fact, there were only few attempts to broaden our perspectives of this subject. In the 1950’s John Ferguson came with the idea that the female initiatory grade “lioness” (lea), the possible alternative to the ordinary masculine grade “lion” (leo), could be seen as an attempt of Mithraists to expand
the religious potential of their cult.7 Mithraism as a predominantly male
religion – even Ferguson could not ignore this obvious fact – must have
been aware of this limitation and aspired to overcome it. Ferguson thought
that these efforts were closely connected with the ambitions of Mithraism
to become a full-fledged world religion.8 On this occasion Ferguson mentioned another thesis of Cumont, the assumption of close connections between Mithraism and the cult of Cybele (in Cumont’s interpretations she
was the transformed Persian goddess AnÇhita),9 compensating to a large
extent for the absence of feminine element.10 Mithraism therefore involved women in its religious activities with the help of a related minor deity.
Ferguson’s opinions became almost immediately the target of critical
comments of Jocelyn Toynbee. In particular she pointed out that the existence of these hypothetic female initiates, known as “lionesses”, is founded on an evidence too weak and doubtful to justify the postulation of so
far-fetched and fundamental theories.11 She also highlighted the fact that
all the other known Mithraic grades are in substance completely masculine and that the existence of one or two anomalies should not in any case
obscure the obvious fact that in hundreds of others Mithraic inscriptions
women are completely absent.12 Toynbee also dismissed Cumont’s claim
endorsed by Ferguson, that Persian AnÇhita in the guise of Cybele played
the role of a systematically constructed counterpart of the male god
4 Porphyry, De abstinentia IV.16. However, the exact wording of this passage remains
problematic, see p. 209 below.
5 CIMRM 115; The connection of this inscription with Mithraism is uncertain, see pp.
203-204 below.
6 F. Cumont, Die Mysterien…, 163, n. 1.
7 John Ferguson, “More about Mithras”, Hibbert Journal 53, 1954-1955, 319-326: 320.
8 Ibid., 320.
9 F. Cumont, Die Mysterien…, 168.
10 J. Ferguson, “More about Mithras…”, 320.
11 Jocelyn M. C. Toynbee, “Still More about Mithras”, Hibbert Journal 54, 1955-1956,
107-114: 108.
12 Ibid., 108-109.
201
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
Mithras. Even though the temples of both deities were occasionally adjacent to each other, Toynbee stressed the non-existence of permanent relations both in dedicatory inscriptions and in visual symbolism.13
The state of affairs has not changed much from that time. The conclusion that women were not initiated into the Mysteries of Mithras is still
part of the widespread consensus.14 Richard Gordon’s contribution caused
its further amplification. In his paper, primarily focused on the interpretation of the Mithraic initiatory grades, he expressed the view that the exclusion of women was conscious and ideologically motivated act of the
members of the cult, where women played the role of representatives of
the world of change, vicissitude and death.15 Although a great many of his
ideas expressed there were embraced with considerable hesitation, for
a long time no one objected to his conclusions about the absence of women in Mithraism.
Nevertheless, since the Cumont’s times, new discoveries have come to
light, which could refer to the possible presence of women in Mithraism.
Some of them became a starting point for the article of Jonathan David,
who has recently made an attempt to criticize the prevailing consensus.16
13 Ibid., 109. – Even before her Stig Wikander warned about the non-existence of these
relations, see id., “Études sur le mystères de Mithras”, Vetenskapssocieten i Lund,
Årsbok 1950, Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup 1951, 5-46: 6-13.
14 E.g. Maarten J. Vermaseren, Mithras: Geschichte eines Kultes, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer
1965, 133-136; id., “Mithras in der Römerzeit”, in: M. J. Vermaseren (ed.), Die orientalischen Religionen in Römerreich, (EPRO 93), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1981, 96-120: 105;
Leroy A. Campbell, Mithraic Iconography and Ideology, (EPRO 11), Leiden: E. J.
Brill 1968, 316; Richard L. Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society: Social Factors in
the Explanation of Religious Change in the Roman Empire”, Religion 2, 1972, 92-121:
98; id., “Reality, Evocation and Boundary in the Mysteries of Mithras”, JMS 3, 1980,
19-99: 57-64; id., “Who Worshipped Mithras?”, JRA 7, 1994, 459-74: 465; Roger L.
Beck, “Mithraism since Franz Cumont”, ANRW II.17.4, 1984, 2002-2115: 2094; id.,
“The mysteries of Mithras”, in: John S. Klopenborg – Stephen G. Wilson (eds.),
Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World, London – New York: Routledge
1996, 176-185: 177; Reinhold Merkelbach, Mithras, Königstein/Ts.: Hein 1984, 253,
n. 4; Walter Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults, Cambridge: Harvard University Press
1987, 42-43 and n. 73; Manfred Clauss, Mithras: Kult und Mysterien, München: C. H.
Beck 1990, 42; id., Cultores Mithrae: Die Anhängerschaft des Mithras-Kultes,
Stuttgart: Franz Steiner 1992, 264 and 277; Robert Turcan, Mithra et le mithriacisme,
Paris: Les Belles Lettres 21993, 90-91; id., The Cults of the Roman Empire, Oxford:
Blackwell 1996, 247; John H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, “The Expansion of Mithraism
among the Religious Cults of the Second Century”, in: John Hinnells (ed.), Studies in
Mithraism, Roma: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider 1994, 195-216: 202; Giula Sfameni
Gasparro, “I misteri di Mitra: Religione o culto?”, in: John Hinnells (ed.), Studies in
Mithraism, Roma: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider 1994, 93-102: 101; BNP I, 298.
15 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 57-64.
16 Jonathan David, “The Exclusion of Women in the Mithraic Mysteries: Ancient or
Modern?”, Numen 47, 2000, 121-141.
202
Ale‰ Chalupa
In his opinion, there is currently “a substantial amount of evidence” which
should prevent us from “repeating a time-honored scholarly misinterpretation”.17 It was possible for women to participate in the Mysteries of
Mithras, even though such involvement occurred rather sporadically.18
This situation was by no means the result of an intentional ideological
exclusion, but the product of the influence of several factors unfavorable
for women.19 However, is there really enough evidence to support and justify his contention for the reappraisal of current opinions? The answer
should be given in the next three chapters, which will focus on the re-examination of all Mithraic findings pertinent to women.
I. The epigraphic evidence
The surviving epigraphic evidence provides the best opportunity to
prove the presence of women in Mithraism. Although the material of this
kind has only limited value and is exposed to some problems of interpretation, it is an indisputable reminder of the real Mithraic cult practice.20
The inscriptions, which could possibly have been left by women, are
evaluated here on the bases of these three criteria: (1) the dedicatory inscription was demonstrably made by a woman; (2) the inscription was demonstrably dedicated to Mithras; (3) if the dedication to Mithras is dubious, the object was at least found in the Mithraic surroundings. The
inscription meeting the first and second criterion will be regarded as
a promising evidence of women’s presence in the Mysteries of Mithras. In
the view of the fact that only one of the evaluated inscriptions fulfilled
these requirements, also the inscriptions meeting at least the first and the
17
18
19
20
Ibid., 141.
Ibid., 139.
Ibid., 139-140.
Some difficulties connected with the nature of the epigraphic sources are discussed by
Géza Alföldy, “Die Krise des Imperium Romanum und die Religion Roms”, in:
Werner Eck (ed.), Religion und Gesellschaft in der Römischen Kaiserzeit: Kolloquium
zu Ehren von Friedrich Vittinghoff, Köln – Wien: Böhlau Verlag 1989, 53-102: 72-74;
M. Clauss, Mithras…, 42-43; id., Cultores Mithrae…, 9-15; R. L. Gordon, “Who
Worshipped Mithras…?”, 468-471. The crucial problem, at least with respect to our
subject of interest, remains the question what exactly could be considered as an epigraphic dedication made by a Mithraist, respectively who could be regarded as
a Mithraist. The people, whose relations with the cult were far less close than is usually supposed, could have made considerable portion of inscriptions and dedications.
It could be observed with the great degree of certainty that the dedication made by
a Mithraist is the one, where Mithras is mentioned and its author indicates the attained
Mithraic grade. However, there is only about 15% of such inscriptions in the total sum
of all Mithraic dedications, which can only mean that the great part of Mithraists usually did not betray their grades.
203
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
third criterion will be regarded as a possible evidence.21 The results are
following:
No. Details
1
2
3
Evaluation
CIMRM 115 (ancient Oea, modern Tripolis, Libya,
Roman province Africa)
yes
no
no
no
2
CIMRM 284 (ancient Ostia, Italy)
yes
no
yes
no
3
CIMRM 413a (Rome, Italy)
?
yes
no
no
4
CIMRM 696 (exact finding spot unknown, probably
ancient Mutina, modern Modena, or Rome, Italy)
?
no
yes
no
CIMRM 705 (ancient Mediolanum,
modern Milano, Italy)
yes
?
no
?
CIMRM 883 (modern Soulan, France,
Roman province Gallia)
yes
no
no
no
CIMRM 1034 (modern Rheder, Germany,
Roman province Germania Inferior)
yes
yes
no
?
CIMRM 1363 (modern Königshoffen, France,
Roman province Germania Superior)
?
no
yes
no
CIMRM 1463 (ancient Emona, modern Ljubljana,
Slovenia, Roman province Pannonia Superior)
?
yes
no
?
yes
?
yes
?
1
5
6
7
8
9
10 AE 1980, no. 51 (Rome, Italy)
1. This inscription,22 which was found on the top of a sarcophagus belonging to the woman named Aelia Arisuth, ends with the words qae lea iacet. It was discovered shortly
after the publication of Cumont’s corpus of Mithraic evidence. Cumont himself was
later concerned with its interpretation. In his opinion the tomb, where two sarcophagi
were found, was the burial site of the holder of Mithraic grade leo and his wife, who
could even be the bearer of the otherwise unattested title lea, “lioness”.23 His conclu21 I excluded from the further evaluation CIMRM 2007 and AE 1966, no. 344 = Ljubica
Zotoviç, Les cultes orientaux sur le territoire de la Mésie supérieur, (EPRO 7),
Leiden: E. J. Brill 1966, no. 1. Both these inscriptions were made by husbands in favour of their wives, but there is no indication that they were female Mithraic initiates.
22 CIMRM 115 = AE 1904, no. 19 = IRT, no. 239a; corrected reading AE 1924, no. 99 =
J. M. Reynolds, “Inscription of Roman Tripolitania: A Supplement”, Papers of the
British School at Rome 23, 1955, 124-147, no. 1.
23 F. Cumont, Die Mysterien…, 163, n. 2. Above mentioned man is Aelius Magnus, see
CIMRM 114 = AE 1904, no. 18 = IRT, no. 239b.
204
Ale‰ Chalupa
sion was subsequently endorsed by Maarten J. Vermaseren.24 Vermaseren also made
a reference to the iconographic resemblance between the person with the candlestick
found in one of the tomb’s frescos25 and the figure painted on the wall of the Santa
Prisca mithraeum in Rome.26 Even though he was willing to concede that the title lea
was authentic and Oea tomb was really the burial ground of Mithraic husband and
wife, he considered this case to be an isolated one and probably concerning only this
African community.27 Jonathan David has recently used the same kind of argument.28
Nevertheless, other authors remained rather sceptical and in their opinions this tomb
has apparently no connection with Mithraism.29 Under these circumstances it is presumably prudent to regard this inscription as non-Mithraic: the iconographic resemblance
is in itself insufficient proof and the tomb, which is dedicated to Dis Manibus, is not
a mithraeum – its Mithraic origins could not thus be securely demonstrated.
2. The marble column, where the inscription is situated, was procured by a certain Iunia
Zosima and dedicated to the collegium of dendrophori.30 The column was found in the
mithraeum31 and Iunia Zosima is in the inscription branded as mater. Jonathan David
believes her to be Mithraist and her title mater regards as the possible parallel to the
highest Mithraic grade pater.32 In view of the fact that Mithras name is nowhere mentioned in the inscription and the collegium of dendrophori is completely unknown
from the Mithraic cult practice,33 it is advisable to consider it non-Mithraic.
3. This inscription is undoubtedly Mithraic.34 The dedication was made by a man, whose
name is reconstructed as Ulpius Paulus. The last name stated in the inscription,
Melito, could cause some problems. Manfred Clauss gives it as a nominative,35 but
Richard Gordon rightly comments that in Latin nomenclature Mel(l)ito is a wom24 M. J. Vermaseren, Mithras…, 133-134.
25 CIMRM 113.
26 M. J. Vermaseren, Mithras…, 134. For the detailed description of this painting see
Maarten J. Vermaseren – Carel C. Van Essen, The Excavations in the Mithraeum of the
Church of Santa Prisca, Leiden: E. J. Brill 1965, 150 and pl. LV = CIMRM 482.6. The
present condition of the painting is very poor.
27 M. J. Vermaseren, Mithras…, 134.
28 J. David, “The Exclusion…”, 125-126.
29 E.g. Charles M. Daniels, “The Role of the Roman Army in the Spread and Practice of
Mithraism”, in: John Hinnells (ed.), Mithraic Studies I, Manchester: Manchester
University Press 1975, 249-274: 274; R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 253, n. 4; M. Clauss,
Cultores Mithrae…, 294; R. Turcan, Mithra…, 90.
30 CIMRM 284 = CIL XIV.69.
31 CIMRM 278 (the mithraeum “degli Animali” in Ostia).
32 J. David, “The Exclusion…”, 128 and n. 28, 129-130. – The supporting evidence in
the form of the altar inscription from the Cologne mithraeum (CIMRM 1207) is very
tenuous. The altar was dedicated to a female deity and its connection with Mithraism,
if there is any, is marginal at best, see M. Clauss, Cultores Mithrae…, 99, n. 15; Elmar
Schwertheim, Die Denkmäler orientalischen Gottheiten im Römischen Deutschland,
(EPRO 40), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1974, 256-257.
33 But this collegium is known from the cult of Cybele, see Garth Thomas, “Mater
Magna and Attis”, ANRW II.17.4, 1984, 1500-1535: 1529-1530.
34 CIMRM 413 = AE 1903, no. 6 = CIL VI.36831; [De]o invicto Mithrae / […U]lpius
Paulus / ex / voto / d(onum) d(edit) / antistante L. Iustinio / Augurio p(atr)i et Melito.
35 M. Clauss, Cultores Mithrae…, 21.
205
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
an’s name.36 In his opinion, Melito is either Iustinus Augurius’s nickname or the name
of the second antistans, both in ablative form.37 This conclusion is almost certainly
correct and the inscription does not mention any woman.
4. In Vermaseren’s opinion the inscription on the one of the most remarkable Mithraic
monuments38 bears two names: Felix, Mithraic pater, together with a certain
Euphrosyne.39 Reinhold Merkelbach questioned this reading and proposed as the dedicants Felix and Euphrosynus.40 The whole situation is complicated by the fact that the
great part of the original inscription was deliberately erased.41 In view of the fact that
the motif of the monument is Orphic (see fig. 1) it is very probable that it had been
taken over from this religious milieu and redesigned to its final Mithraic form by the
person of Felix.42 Howard M. Jackson thinks that the original dedication, made by
Felix together with Euphrosyne, was erased after he was initiated into the Mysteries of
Mithras (where he later became pater), because of the impropriety of woman’s name
in the exclusively male cult.43 Although the conclusion of this kind remains completely speculative – due to the unclear reading and our ignorance of the monument’s preceding fates we are not able to ascertain the time periods of its use – it is better to consider the hypothetic Eufrosyne (whose existence is far from certain anyway) as neither
woman nor Mithraist.
5. The altar with the inscription was undoubtedly dedicated by a woman, Varia Severa.44
But the name of the deity in the inscription is mentioned only by letters D. M. The
reading proposed by Vermaseren, D(eo) [invicto] M(ithrae), is therefore completely
arbitrary. Vermaseren gives as alternative reading D(is) M(anibus),45 Manfred Clauss
D(is) M(agnis).46 Although Jonathan David regards this altar, and also the inscription,
as Mithraic,47 his conclusion is, in view of the fact that it was discovered outside of
Mithraic context, very questionable. In spite of the fact that this matter could not be
decisively solved, I am inclined to believe that this monument is not Mithraic.
36 R. Gordon, “Who Worshipped…”, 471.
37 Ibid., 471-472; J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, “The Expansion of Mithraism…”, 203, is of
the same opinion.
38 CIMRM 695, fig. 197; cf. also R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 324-325 and fig. 74.
39 CIMRM 696 = CIL VI.36829; Euphrosy/n[e] et Felix / p(ecunia) p(osuit) / Felix pater.
40 R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 324; his corrected reading is: Euphrosy/n[us] et Felix / p(ecunia sua) p(osuit) / Felix pater.
41 R. L. Gordon, “Who Worshipped…”, 472.
42 Ibid., 472; cf. also M. J. Vermaseren’s commentary to CIMRM 696 (vol. I, 254) and
Howard M. Jackson, “Love Makes the World Go Round: The Classical Greek Ancestry of the Youth with the Zodiacal Circle in Late Roman Art”, in: John Hinnells (ed.),
Studies in Mithraism, Roma: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider 1994, 131-164: 134.
43 H. M. Jackson, “Love Makes the World…”, 134.
44 CIMRM 705 = CIL V.5696.
45 M. J. Vermaseren in commentary to CIMRM 705 (vol. I, 256). But Gerard Mussies,
“Cascelia’s Prayer”, in: Ugo Bianchi – Maarten J. Vermaseren (eds.), La soteriologia
dei culti orientali nell’Impero Romano, (EPRO 92), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1982, 156-167:
164, n. 12, holds this reading improbable, because D(is) M(anibus) was in the Imperial times usually followed by the genitive or dativ of a personal name and not by the
nominative.
46 M. Clauss, Cultores Mithrae…, 286.
47 J. David, “The Exclusion…”, 128, n. 29.
206
Ale‰ Chalupa
6.
The altar with the inscription was dedicated by Faustus and Modesta.48 But the improved reading ruled out any possible connection with Mithraism.49
7.
This inscription50 was made by Paterna,51 wife of Iustinus, (pro salute) Firmino.52 The
deity, to whom the dedication was made, is undoubtedly Mithras. Although it is not absolutely certain that Paterna was really initiated into the Mysteries, since the inscription was made in favour of a different person, it is the only direct evidence of woman’s dedication to Mithras we posses at the moment.53
8.
The stone altar bearing an inscription54 was used as building material and found in the
wall of the Königshoffen Mithraeum.55 Even if the name mentioned in the inscription,
Ianussa, could be female, in all probability it is a male name.56 Since the altar could
serve purely as building material and bears no name of deity to whom it was dedicated, its relation to Mithraism remains unclear.
9.
The altar with the inscription was dedicated to Mithras, who is in this case identified
with the Roman god Silvanus.57 The dedicator is a person named Blastia. Jonathan
David, together with some other authors (M. J. Vermaseren, Anna ·a‰el, Jaroslav
·a‰el), regards this person as a woman,58 Manfred Clauss maintains the very opposite.59 Both variants are allowable on the basis of linguistic and onomastic criteria. The
inscription itself does not make it possible to solve this problem definitely. In view of
the fact that also the number of attested dedications to Silvanus made by women is quite small,60 the bearer of this name was most likely a man.
48 CIMRM 883 = CIL XIII.379.
49 Vivienne J. Walters, The Cult of Mithras in the Roman Provinces of Gaul, (EPRO 41),
Leiden: E. J. Brill 1974, 142-143; the original Deo Mithr(ae) is here given as Deo
AC.T.C.
50 CIMRM 1034 = CIL XIII.7958/9 = E. Schwertheim, Die Denkmäler…, 39, no. 41.
51 This woman is probably identical to the person known from the funeral inscription
(CIL XIII, 7960) from the same region, see E. Schwertheim, Die Denkmäler…, 39; M.
Clauss, Cultores Mithrae…, 99-100.
52 For this reading see E. Schwertheim, Die Denkmäler…, 39.
53 Even Manfred Clauss, otherwise firm proponent of male exclusiveness of Mithraism,
accepts this possibility, although reluctantly (Cultores Mithrae…, 99).
54 CIMRM 1363 = CIL XIII.11616c.
55 CIMRM 1335.
56 M. Clauss, Cultores Mithrae…, 112.
57 CIMRM 1463 = Anna ·a‰el – Jaroslav ·a‰el, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia
inter annos MCMXL et MCMLX repertae et editae sunt, Ljubljana 1963, no. 32 =
Ljubica Zotoviç, Mitraizam na tlu Jugoslavije, Beograd: Archeolo‰ki institut 1973, no.
44 = Petar Selem, Les religions orientales dans la Pannonie romaine, partie en
Yougoslavie, (EPRO 85), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1980, no. 1; D(eo) i(nvicto) M(ithrae) /
Silvano Augusto / sac(rum) Blastia / C. E. B…
58 J. David, “The Exclusion…”, 128-129; M. J. Vermaseren and A. ·a‰el – J. ·a‰el, see
n. 57 above.
59 M. Clauss, Cultores Mithrae…, 160.
60 On the basis of data in the Corpus inscriptionum dei Silvani, in: Peter F. Dorcey, The
Cult of Silvanus: A Study in Roman Folk Religion, (Columbia Studies in the Classical
Tradition 20), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1992, 154-78, it is possible to assess that the number
of women’s dedications is about 4,1%. According to the information of some ancient
207
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
10. The text of this prayer, chiseled out on the four sides of a small stone altar discovered
in the vicinity of the main altar of the San Stefano Rotondo Mithraeum in Rome, was
made by freedwoman Cascelia Elegans.61 Even though Mithras is nowhere mentioned
explicitly in the prayer, the context of its discovery is evidently Mithraic.62 Also some
of the used epithets (e.g. dominus aeternus) could be related to Mithras.63 After the
thorough examination of the text Gerard Mussies came to the conclusion that the addressee of the prayer was probably the syncretic deity Sol-Mithras-Aion and not
Mithras himself.64 Although Jonathan David again considers this prayer the most compelling evidence of women’s presence in Mithraism,65 the others do not share his optimism.66 Nevertheless, the connection of this text with Mithraism is almost indubitable.
Although it cannot be regarded an irrefutable evidence of women’s initiation into the
Mysteries of Mithras, it suggests at least the possibility that under certain circumstances (e.g. if someone of their relatives or patrons was a Mithraist) the women could dedicate votive gifts to Mithras and so partially participate in his worship.
Only four inscriptions (no. 5, 7, 9 and 10) indicate at least a small possibility of women’s presence in Mithraism. However, the inscriptions
no. 5 and 9 are very doubtful and I am personally inclined to believe that
they are either unrelated to Mithras (no. 5) or they were made by a man
(no. 9). Two remaining inscriptions (no. 7 and 10) could be considered exceptional cases, in which women dedicated votive gifts to Mithras, but
their preceding initiation remains uncertain.67
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
authors, Silvanus also belonged to the deities, which reportedly prevented women
from participating in their cult, cf. P. F. Dorcey, “The Role of Women in the Cult of
Silvanus”, Numen 36, 1989, 143-155 and id., The Cult of Silvanus…, 124-134. About
the contradiction between epigraphic reality and information of classical literary
sources concerning the exclusion of men or women from the worship of some deities
see p. 208 below.
AE 1980, no. 51 = Silvio Panciera, “Il materiale epigrafico dallo scavo del mitreo di
S. Stefano Rotondo (con un addendum sul verso terminante … sanguine fuso)”, in:
Ugo Bianchi (ed.), Mysteria Mithrae, (EPRO 80), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1979, 87-112: 9798; pictures (no. 6-9) of all four sides of this altar are in the appendix to this study.
In addition to the circumstances of the discovery (not far away from the mithraeum’s
main altar), it is the name of Cascelia’s patron Primus, which captured our attention.
The person of this name, even though it is impossible to prove that they are identical,
the bearer of the title pater, is known from other Roman Mithraic inscriptions
(CIMRM 351 and 355).
The study devoted to the thorough examination of the text of this prayer, its interpretation and possible Mithraic connections is G. Mussies, “Cascelia’s Prayer…”, 158163.
Ibid., 163.
J. David, “The Exclusion….”, 127-129.
E.g. R. Beck, “Mithraism since Franz Cumont…”, 2030, n. 42; M. Clauss, Cultores
Mithrae…, 25, n. 94.
See n. 20 above.
208
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II. The literary sources
Classical literary sources form another domain, where Jonathan David
tries to find some support for his demand for the change of the current
consensus. In his opinion there is no ancient text, which would explicitly
state that women were excluded from the Mysteries of Mithras.68 That is
certainly true, but the significance of this silence should not be overestimated. From the antiquity we know several deities, who were supposed,
at least in the view of classical authors, to exclude one of the sexes from
the participation in their cults. Unfortunately, the epigraphic material persuasively disproves these claims. It seems that literary and epigraphic
sources often reflect the different kind of religious reality and that, instead
of supporting each other, they are mutually exclusive.69 Any assertion of
classical authors about the section of the society, from which the members
of the ancient cults were recruited, is only of limited value, unless confronted with an information source of different nature. In case of
Mithraism, epigraphy demonstrates almost complete absence of women
and literary sources are reticent about this particular point. But under no
circumstances could this fact be used as an argument against the current
consensus. The opposite is true.
At the same time it is also necessary to point out that no ancient text explicitly claims that women were initiated into the Mysteries of Mithras, regardless of Jonathan David’s introduction of two extracts from the works
of classical authors, which should reportedly prove their presence in this
cult: Tertullian’s De praescriptione haereticorum XL.1-5 and Porfyry’s De abstinetia IV.16.
The interpretation of both these passages remains problematic.
Tertullians’s text, especially its possible contribution to the reconstruction
of Mithraic ritual and eschatology, was the topic of many discussions in
the scholarly circles. Nevertheless, this particular passage has two subjects, Mithras and Devil, and the apple of discord is the exact determina68 J. David, “The Exclusion…”, 129.
69 To this subject in general, see Dennis Feeney, Literature and Religion at Rome:
Cultures, Contexts, and Beliefs, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1998, 17-18.
– The contradiction between literary and epigraphic sources could be found e.g. in the
cult of the goddess Bona Dea, who could be reportedly worshipped only by women
(cf. Hendrik H. J. Brower, Bona Dea: The Sources and a Description of the Cult,
[EPRO 110], Leiden: E. J. Brill 1989, 257-258), or in the allegedly exclusively male
cults of the gods Hercules (cf. Celia E. Schultz, “Modern Prejudice and Ancient
Praxis: Female Worship of Hercules at Rome”, ZPE 113, 2000, 291-297: 293) and
Silvanus (cf. Peter F. Dorcey, “The Role of Women…”, 143-155; id., The Cult of
Silvanus…, 124-134).
209
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
tion of their predicates, owing to the existence of various readings in the
surviving manuscripts. But the subject in the final sentence “habet et virgines, habet et continentes” is definitely Devil and not Mithras.70 Those
“virgins” are not female Mithraic initiates but Virgines Vestales, the priestesses of Roman goddess Vesta. Tertullian’s testimony is therefore, in spite of Jonathan David’s claims,71 no proof of women’s presence in
Mithraism.
The situation concerning Porfyry’s text is even more complicated. In
Richard Gordon’s view, the text suggests the very opposite: women were
deliberately excluded from Mithraism.72 The controversial passage states:
There, in order to demonstrate our kinship with animals allegorically, they are (i.e.
Mithraists) accustomed to image us by means of animals. Thus they call those who
are initiated into their rites (metechontas) “Lions”, women “Lionesses” (leainas) and
the attendants (hyperetountas) “Ravens”. And with respect to Fathers [the same is
true]; for they are called “Eagles” and “Hawks”.73
“Lionesses” (leainas) occur in the renaissance codex Felicianus and
they also found their way to the modern Nauck’s edition of Porfyry’s texts, even though all other surviving manuscripts state “hyenas”
(hyainas) in the quoted passage. “Lionesses” thus seem to be Felicianus’s emendation. Some other corrupted sentences appear in this passage,
but the length of these lacunae probably does not seriously impede our
ability to grasp the meaning of the whole text.74
Richard Gordon strongly insists on the correctness of manuscriptal hyainas,75 which are in his opinion more appropriate to the sense of the passage. He believes that a hyena as the animal symbol of negative traits in
women’s nature does not function as a special variety of the initiatory
grade, otherwise unattested, destined only for women. On the contrary, he
considers this expression to be the most cogent argument for the confirmation of their intentional exclusion from the Mysteries of Mithras.76 But
the seeming parallel between CIMRM 115 and possible leainas in Porfy70 Richard L. Gordon, “Franz Cumont and the Doctrines of Mithraism”, in: John Hinnells
(ed.), Mithraic Studies I, Manchester: Manchester University Press 1975, 215-248:
234; Per Beskow, “Tertullian on Mithras”, in: John Hinnells (ed.), Studies in
Mithraism, Roma: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider 1994, 51-60: 55, n. 17.
71 J. David, “The Exclusion…”, 127; his understanding of this passage defies reason.
72 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, especially 57-69.
73 English translation BNP II, 311.
74 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 65; but J. David (“The Exclusion…”, 123-124, n. 7-9) is rather sceptical and less optimistic.
75 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 57, n. 93: “Let us consign
Felicianus’s leainas once and for all to the wasteheap from which it came.” Hyainas
are also accepted in BNP II, 311-312 and n. 3.
76 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 57-58; see pp. 219-220 below.
210
Ale‰ Chalupa
ry’s text is for Jonathan David too exciting an opportunity to be easily
abandoned.77 The dispute remains insoluble as the accuracy of neither of
these readings can be established with absolute certainty. Nevertheless, it
appears to me that in the time when there was almost no detailed information about the real nature of Mithraism the emendation from hyainas to
leainas is much more likely than the other way round. Thus in this case
the principle “lectio dificilior potentior” is probably sensibly meaningful.
If we consider hyainas as more appropriate to the original reading of the
text, then the existence of initiatory grade of the same name seems to be
extremely improbable considering the bad reputation of hyenas in antiquity.
In conclusion, it is necessary to point out that we know a text from the
antiquity which remarks that Mithras “hated the race of women”.78 The
importance of this statement should not be overrated. The text is evidently not Mithraic.79 However, it could have preserved some very old mythological motives, especially of Anatolian or Armenian origin, which were
later taken over by Mithraists, reinterpreted by them and newly integrated
into the ideology of their mysteries.80
III. The iconography of the cult
Already a relatively limited room for proving the women’s participation in the life of the cult is provided by the Mithraic iconography. Although Mithraism is usually seen as religious movement quite rigidly
separated from the civic pantheon of the Roman Empire, even in its surroundings it was possible to make dedications to a wide range of other
deities.81 A statue of triple headed Hecate from the Sidon Mithraeum in
Syria82 and a head of the same goddess from the Santa Prisca Mithraeum
in Rome belong among the noteworthy examples of this practice.83 Others
77 J. David, “The Exclusion…”, 123-125 a 135-137; but cf. p. 203-204 above.
78 Pseudo-Plutarch, De fluviis XXIII.4.
79 Albert de Jong, Traditions of the Magi: Zoroastrianism in Greek and Latin literature,
(Studies in Greek and Roman Religion 133), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1997, 290-291.
80 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 56-57; Mary Boyce – Paul
Grenet, A History of Zoroastrianism III: Zoroastrianism under Macedonian and
Roman Rule, Leiden: E. J. Brill 1991, 468-490.
81 M. Clauss, Mithras…, 153-174; BNP I, 282.
82 CIMRM 84-5 = R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 281, fig. 21; Lewis M. Hopfe, “Mithraism
in Syria”, ANRW II.18.4, 1990, 2214-2235: 2222.
83 CIMRM 486 = M. J. Vermaseren – C. C. Van Essen, The Excavations…, 342, no. 20
and pl. no. LXXVII 1 = R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 311, fig. 59.
211
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
include a head of Venus from the same
mithraeum in Rome;84 plaques with the
figures of Amor and Psyche from the
Mithraeum Santa Capua Vetere85 and
Santa Prisca;86 a head of Minerva from
the London Mithraeum87 and a relief
with the same goddess holding a lance
and a shield from the mithraeum in
Heddernheim;88 a sculpture of naked
Venus standing beside a small statuette
of Cupid on a dolphin fom Spanish
Merida (see fig. 2);89 a marble carving
of naked Venus leaving her bath with
a small dolphin beside her from the
mithraeum in the Caracalla-therms in
Rome.90 Female deities appear also in
the scenes portraying the gathering of
twelve Olympian gods or other mythological themes.91 But these finds must
not be considered as an evidence of
women’s presence in Mithraism. Such
a display of religious “syncretism” is an
example of the prevailing contemporary practice and Mithraism is no exception in this regard. Intentions of Mithraists could be on this count purely
esthetic, since several of the abovementioned statues are real masterpieces
of art.
Fig. 2. Venus from Merida
(CIMRM 783)
Taken over from R. Merkelbach,
Mithras…, fig. 79.
84 M. J. Vermaseren – C. C. Van Essen, The Excavations…, pl. CIX = R. Merkelbach,
Mithras…, 312, fig. 60.
85 CIMRM 186 = M. J. Vermaseren, Mithriaca I: The Mithraeum at S. Maria Capua
Vetere, (EPRO 16.1), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1971, pl. XX = R. Merkelbach, Mithras…,
286, fig. 27.
86 M. J. Vermaseren – C. C. Van Essen, The Excavations…, 478, pl. CXXVIII l =
R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 314, fig. 64.
87 CIMRM 820 = R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 331, fig. 84.
88 CIMRM 1086 = E. Schwertheim, Die Denkmäler…, 70, no. 59d = R. Merkelbach,
Mithras…, 345, fig. 105.
89 CIMRM 784 = R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 328, fig. 79.
90 CIMRM 460.
91 E.g. CIMRM 1292, 4c from Osterburken (Parcae).
212
Ale‰ Chalupa
Female statuettes were also discovered in two mithraeums: in English
Carrawburgh92 and in German Dieburgh.93 Their precise identity is unclear, but the aspirations of Jonathan David to interpret these figures as
votive offerings dedicated by female Mithraists or even as their portraits
are unfounded.94 In all likelihood they too represent some unidentifiable
deities of polytheistic pantheon.
Could at least some of these female deities have played the more important role in the Mithraic religious ideology? Reinhold Merkelbach attaches great importance to the discoveries of the statues of triple headed
Hecate. In his opinion this goddess represents the Mithraic transformation
of Persian goddess Aredv¥-SÇra-Anàhita, whose threefold aspect refers
symbolically to triadic character of the world soul, which the Mithraists
viewed in accordance with the doctrine of Platonism.95 He also pays attention to the interpretation of the figures of Amor and Psyche. He maintains that the representation of this divine pair expresses the Mithraic belief in the escape of the soul from the sublunar world into the sphere of the
fixed stars practiced in this cult.96 But this soteriological principle, reportedly held by Mithraists (this subject is still hotly debated), in itself again
does not automatically require the women’s presence among the initiates
and their participation in the rites of the mysteries. A tension between the
binary opposites (and in the Graeco-Roman world the opposition male/female certainly counts among them), which probably played an important
role in the Mithraic doctrine, could have easily functioned even on the entirely ideal level, without any reference to the existing social or internal
reality.
Not long ago Alison Griffith has drawn our attention to the important
role of the Moon, the representative of feminine principle, inside the
92 Ian A. Richmond – John P. Gillam, The Temple of Mithras at Carrawburgh, Newcastle
upon Tyne: Society of Antiquaries 1951, 30, pl. 10A; interpreted as “mother-goddess”.
93 CIMRM 1262 and fig. 331; Friedrich Behn, Das Mithrasheiligtum zu Dieburg, Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter 1928, 35, no. 14, fig. 39; also E. Schwertheim, Die Denkmäler…,
166, no. 123o; Schwertheim interprets as “mother-goddess” (Muttergottheit),
M. J. Vermaseren as “goddess sitting on a throne and nursing a child”.
94 J. David, “The Exclusion…”, 126.
95 R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 234-235.
96 Ibid., 237-240; cf. also R. L. Gordon, “Authority, Salvation and Mystery in the
Mysteries of Mithras”, in: Paul Zanker – Susan Walker – Richard L. Gordon, Image
and Mystery in the Roman World: Three Papers Given in Memory of Jocelyn Toynbee,
Gloucester: Sutton 1988, 45-80: 50-60; R. Beck, “In the Place of the Lion: Mithras in
the Tauroctony”, in: John Hinnells (ed.), Studies in Mithraism, Roma: “L’Erma” di
Bretschneider 1994, 29-50; id., “Ritual, Myth, Doctrine, and Initiation in the Mysteries
of Mithras: New Evidence from a Cult Vessel”, JRS 90, 2000, 145-180: 167-171.
213
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
Mysteries of Mithras.97 The bust of the goddess Luna is a conventional
motif of the standard Mithraic tauroctony. In the majority of cases it is situated in the right corner of this cultic scene, usually in the form of a woman’s head adorned with the moon sickle. But according to some interpretations, Luna appears in the polysemous Mithraic symbolism once
more, even in a more important role: as a white bull slain by Mithras.98
This identification could be explained either by the transformation of the
old Indo-European myth about the killing of a lunar bull in the Mithraic
circles99 or by the application of astrological rules according to which the
Moon gathers the most of his strength when passing through the constellation of Taurus, where the Moon’s “exaltation” occurs.100 This fact gains
further importance, when we realize that Mithras was often identified with
the Sun.101 The sacrifice of the bull then could be seen, at least on one level, as a victory of the Sun over the Moon. On the other hand, it could be
considered as an important act of creation and salvation. The whole scene
would thus be loaded with an internal tension of great proportions: the
power of Mithras to create earthly life and bring salvation depends on his
ability to catch, overcome and slay his counterpart – the lunar bull, earthly representative of the feminine moon deity.102
This observation could indicate that even in such a masculine mythological milieu, as the Mithraic Mysteries are sometimes regarded, the feminine principles could have played much more important and subtle role
than is usually expected.103 But in view of the possible participation of
women the same is true, what had been said above about the Mithraic
97 Alison B. Griffith, “Mithras, Death, and Redemption in Statius, Thebaid I, 719-20”,
Latomus 60, 2001, 108-123.
98 John F. Hansman, “Some Possible Classical Connections in Mithraic Speculation”, in:
Ugo Bianchi (ed.), Mysteria Mithrae, (EPRO 80), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1979, 601-613:
602; Roger Beck, “Interpreting the Ponza Zodiac: II”, JMS 2, 1978, 87-147: 101-102;
R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 201-205. – We know that the bull was white from the discoveries of some painted tauroctonies, e.g. from the Mithraeum S. Capua Maria Vetere
or Marino; see Maarten J. Vermaseren, Mithriaca… I, pl. III; id., Mithriaca III: The
mithraeum at Marino, (EPRO 16.3), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1982, pl. III and IV.
99 R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 9-22.
100 R. Beck, “In the Place of the Lion…”, 34.
101 Ibid., 34.
102 A. B. Griffith, “Mithras, Death, and Redemption…”, 116.
103 Radcliffe G. Edmonds (“At the Seizure of the Moon: The absence of the Moon in the
Mithras Liturgy”, in: Scott Noegel – Joel Walker – Brannon Wheeler [eds.], Prayer,
Magic, and the Stars in the Ancient and Late Antique World, University Park: The
Pennsylvania State University Press 2003, 223-239: 238-239) expresses very prudently his opinion that the evaluation of the Moon in the Mithraic doctrine is rather negative. The interpretation of Alison Griffith is thus only one of many possible in this connection.
214
Ale‰ Chalupa
doctrine of salvation: the importance of feminine principles in the Mithraic ideology does not automatically require the presence of women in the
life of the mysteries.
IV. The conclusion
The conclusion seems to be extremely obvious. None of the abovementioned epigraphic, literary or iconographic evidence proves with absolute certainty the participation of women in the Mysteries. Two inscriptions perhaps admit the existence of certain relationships in the form of
dedication of votive gifts to Mithras, but this act by itself did not necessarily require a prior initiation or a further active participation in the cult’s
activities. In spite of the occasional disagreement and the existence of
some debatable findings there is at the present time no compelling reason
for the change of the current academic consensus: women were really excluded from the Mysteries of Mithras. Cumont’s original conclusion was
in this respect completely correct, regardless of the fact that a body of learning and the amount of processed Mithraic evidence from the time of his
activity has substantially increased and many of his opinions have been
deservedly criticized and re-evaluated.
V. The possible cause of the exclusion of women from Mithraism
But what was the cause of the women’s exclusion from Mithraism?
And should we see it as an intentional act or was it just an accidental outcome of several unfavorable coincidences? Three typologically different
solutions have been proposed.
The first solution works with the concept of inherited structure. The
cause of the exclusion is to be found already in the Iranian or possibly in
Armenian or Anatolian background. The most powerful proponent of this
interpretation was Geo Widengren.104 In his opinion the Mithraic communities resembled in their structure the warrior societies of Ancient Iran,
where Mithras took place and position that was in these societies held by
the war chiefs or the lords of the following.105 In these bands of men
104 Geo Widengren, Die Religionen Irans, (Die Religionen der Menschheit 14), Stuttgart:
Kohlhammer 1965, 222-232; id., “The Mithraic Mysteries in the Greco-Roman World,
with Special Regard to their Iranian Background”, in: La Persia e il mondo greco-romano, Academia Nazionale dei Lincei, Anno 363, Quaderno 76, Roma 1966, 433-56;
id., “Reflections on the Origins of the Mithraic Mysteries”, in: Angelo Brelich (ed.),
Perennitas: Studi in onore di Angelo Brelich, Roma: Ed. dell’Ateneo 1980, 645-668.
105 G. Widengren, “The Mithraic Mysteries…”, 450; id., “Reflections…”, 663-665.
215
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
(Männerbünde) there was logically no place for women and Mithraism,
which took over their system of organization, was unable to change this
situation. In addition to that, Mithraism achieved its greatest success in
military circles of the Roman Empire, where women were not admitted
and where their presence could be seen as a possible threat for the troop’s
discipline.
Geo Widengren tried to prove the existence of this inherited structure
especially by the analysis of Mithraic nomenclature and its comparison
with the titles known from ancient Iranian war societies: the Mithraic
names as consacraneus,106 frater,107 comes,108 adiutor,109 socius110 or syndexios111 have its Iranian parallels and are identical with the nomenclature of societies united by virtue of shared values and aims.112 Also a substantial part of Mithraic rituals corresponds to those of Roman legions,113
as we can infer from some Mithraic frescoes.114 These rituals then again
closely resemble the trials young men had to endure before their admission to the war bands of archaic societies.115
However, this explanation is exposed to two serious objections which
make its validity problematic. First, its application stands or falls to
a large extent with the theory of the Iranian origins of the Mithraic
Mysteries and their subsequent diffusion into the Graeco-Roman world.
This for many years universally accepted scheme, inherently connected
with Franz Cumont and his groundbreaking work, was seriously questioned and in its maximalist version it is now completely abandoned.116 The
aim of critical remarks is not so much the existence of Iranian motives (or
rather “Iranian”) in Mithraism, but the transfer of the closed and integral
religious tradition from one cultural milieu to another, imaginable in reality only with a considerable difficulty.117 The second obstacle is connected
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
CIMRM 876; (consacratus) CIMRM 1315.
CIMRM 1476, 1773, 1793.
CIMRM 672, 1467.
CIMRM 717.
CIMRM 730, 876, 1207, 1793, 1833.
CIMRM 423.
G. Widengren, “Reflections…”, 664-665.
Ibid., 665.
Very instructive are in this sense the frescoes in the Mithraeum S. Maria Capua Vetere;
see M. J. Vermaseren, Mithriaca… I, 24-51, pl. XXI-III and XX-XXVIII.
115 G. Widengren, “Reflections…”, 665.
116 R. L. Gordon took an entirely fundamental and uncompromising stand on this subject;
see id., “Franz Cumont…”, esp. 242-247; cf. also the summary of this problematic in
R. Beck, “Mithraism since Franz Cumont…”, 2056-2070.
117 Cf. e.g. J. M. Vermaseren, “Mithras in der Römerzeit…”, 96; R. Merkelbach,
Mithras…, 75-77; M. Boyce – P. Grenet, History of Zoroastrianism… III, 468-469 and
490; R. Turcan, Mithra…, 95; BNP I, 279.
216
Ale‰ Chalupa
with structural elements themselves. If Geo Widengren sees the possible
cause of the exclusion of women from Mithraism in the continuation of
the traditions of Iranian war societies,118 his theory is in the end unverifiable. The existence of purely male structure of the Mithraic Mysteries is
not necessarily the outcome of a transfer of already existing structural system but it could be the product of an independent development in the institutions, which in both cultural contexts are of similar or even identical
characteristics.119
The second solution considers the exclusion of women as the consequence of fortuitous influence of some concomitant circumstances. Mithraism in the time of its formation simply adopted the prevailing and wellestablished structures of typologically similar religious collegiums (the so
called “voluntary associations”), which too in most instances prevented
women from participating.120 Also Richard Gordon admits that this solution could be correct. In his opinion the exclusion motivated by need of
conformity could have played very important role in the search for
Mithraic identity. If the other mysteries or new cults as marginal religious
systems often admitted both sexes, and this convention was again one of
the earmarks retrospectively confirming their marginality, then the exclusion of women by the Mithraists could be seen as an important attempt at
accommodation to traditional religious institutions, even though Mithraism did not succeed in relinquishing some other marginal characteristics.121 Another factor could also play an important role: in view of the fact
that Mithraism recruited greatest part of its following from the military
118 The existence of these Männerbünde in Ancient Iran rests on the evidence, which is
now regarded as extremely tenuous and largely irrelevant; see Albert de Jong, “Jeh the
Primal Whore? Observations on Zoroastrian Misogyny”, in: Ria Kloppenborg –
Wouter J. Hanegraaf (eds.), Female Stereotypes in Religious Traditions, (Studies in
History of Religions 65), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1995, 15-41: 17, n. 9.
119 R. Beck, “Mithraism since Franz Cumont…”, 2063.
120 M. Clauss, Mithras…, 42; id., Cultores Mithrae…, 264. – For the information about
the significance and structure of these collegiums in the late antique society see Frank
M. Ausbüttel, Untersuchungen zu den Vereinen im Westen des Römischen Reiches,
Kallmünz: M. Lassleben 1982 (possible exceptions to the above-mentioned rule on the
p. 42); John S. Kloppenborg, “Collegia and thiasoi: Issues in Function, Taxonomy and
Membership”, in: John S. Klopenborg – Stephen G. Wilson (eds.), Voluntary
Associations in the Graeco-Roman World, London – New York: Routledge 1996, 1630 (possible exceptions to the above-mentioned rule on the p. 25); Andreas Bendlin,
“Gemeinschaft, Öffentlichkeit und Identität: Forschungsgeschichtliche Anmerkungen
zu den Mustern sozialer Ordnung in Rom”, in: Ulrike Egelhaaf-Geiser – Alfred
Schäfer (eds.), Religiöse Vereine in der römischen Antike, Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr
(Paul Siebeck) 2002, 9-40.
121 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…, 42-43. But in Gordon’s view the
real cause of women’s exclusion is much deeper, see pp. 217-221 below.
217
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
structures and the imperial administration, the members of this cult had to
avoid any suspicion of possible social subversions. Although a typologically different and chronologically distant example, the senate’s suppression of the Bacchic cult in 186 BCE122 gives prominence to the possible
dangers which could threaten religious movements not respecting the traditional norms advocated by the dominant religious tradition,123 among
which certainly belonged the strict separation of both sexes during the
cultic activities.124
In his short survey of the possible origins of the Mysteries of Mithras,
Per Beskow successfully combined the first and the second solution. The
Swedish scholar influenced by the relatively early and anomalous finds
from the Bosporan region125 tries to locate the genesis of Mithraism precisely in this geographic territory.126 In his view, the formation of Mithraism could have taken place in the milieu of Bosporan thiasoi and synodoi, which had some remarkable characteristics: these guilds were
exclusively male (if we can trust the surviving lists of their membership)
and their members were recruited from the military ranks of the local
Bosporan aristocracy; they were associated with the cult of particular divinity; they had a closed, esoteric character; the number of the persons involved in one guild was limited to 15-20; they called each other adelphoi
and stood under the leadership of a man called pater; some other officials
122 For the more detailed analysis of this controversy, its possible cause and the consequences for the future evolution of the Roman religion, see e.g. John North, “Religious
Toleration in Republican Rome”, Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society
25, 1979, 85-103, or (differently) Erich Gruen, Studies in Greek Culture and Roman
Policy, Leiden: E. J. Brill 1990, 34-79.
123 About some complications connected with collegiums’ activities and their restrictions,
see Wendy Cotter, “The Collegia and Roman Law: State Restrictions on Voluntary
Associations, 64 BCE – 200 CE”, in: John S. Klopenborg – Stephen G. Wilson (eds.),
Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World, London – New York: Routledge
1996, 74-89.
124 On this subject see John Scheid, “The Religious Roles of Roman Women”, in: Pauline
Schmitt-Pantel (ed.), A History of Women in the West I: From Ancient Goddesses to
Christian Saints, Cambridge – London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University
Press 1992, 377-408.
125 CIMRM 11-12 = Vladimir D. Blawatsky – Genadii A. Kochelenko, Le culte de Mithra
sur la côte septentrional de la Mer Noir, (EPRO 8), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1966, fig. 8
and 10. – It is debatable whether these monuments are really Mithraic or not. Bull-killing Mithras appears on them with the usual Frygian cap but he is exceptionally naked
and his raised hand with a dagger is only about to strike. These abnormalities led some scholars to the conclusion that these statuettes are depicting Attis instead of
Mithras; cf. R. Beck, “Mithraism since Franz Cumont…”, 2019; M. Clauss,
Mithras…, 163-164.
126 Per Beskow, “The Routes of Early Mithraism”, in: Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin (ed.),
Études Mithriaques, (Acta Iranica 17.I.4), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1978, 7-18.
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Ale‰ Chalupa
appear in the hierarchy of these guilds but their functions are largely unknown.127
This theory quite persuasively demonstrates, at least in the form of a feasible and historically defensible scenario, that the existence of an entirely
male structure could have arisen in a different social context than in the
Iranian one and could have been the outcome of the application of existing
religious norms to the new religious formations.
Richard Gordon came with the opinion that the Mithraic exclusion of
women was not a random effect but an intentional act, which has close
connections with certain Mithraic doctrinal values. His study, primarily
focused on the analysis of the symbolic meaning of seven Mithraic initiatory grades, is certainly a singular and in many ways also the most radical example of an attempt to explain this extraordinary fact. Even though
Gordon admits the plausibility of the explanation mentioned above, he
considers it very improbable.128 The exclusion seems to be too consistent
and rigorous to be a mere attempt for the accommodation to the contemporary religious background. Its cause must have been deeply rooted in
the Mithraic concept of “salvation”, since this exclusion was also one of
the major constituents in the establishment of cult’s identity.129
Gordon’s argumentation in his comprehensive study is very detailed
and complex. However, in my paper there is room only for a short summary of his most impressive and important thoughts. In the first phase of
the search for the evidence supporting his theory, Gordon proceeds exactly in the same way as Jocelyn Toynbee before him.130 After a thorough
analysis of possible meanings of the seven Mithraic grades of initiation,
he, too, arrived at a conclusion that their names and symbolic values
systematically suppress the existence of any feminine elements.131
Nevertheless, the focus of the systematic exclusion of women did not
lie in the Mithraic initiatory system, but first and foremost in the Mithraic
myth.132 In the classical sources Mithras is sometimes called as “god out
of rock” – theos ek petras.133 A figural representation of his “rock-birth”
often appears in the Mithraic iconography, either as a separate monument
or as an image in the “side-scenes” surrounding the tauroctony.134 The
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
Ibid., 15-16.
R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 42-43.
Ibid., 42-43.
See p. 200-201 above.
R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 43-54.
Ibid., 54.
Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum XX.1.
E.g. CIMRM 344, 860, 985, 1027, 1127, 1593, 1687, 1949, 1991, 1994, 2134, 2151. –
The interpretations of this iconographic motif are sometimes profoundly different from
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Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
rock, which gives birth to Mithras, was in the Mysteries even called petra genetrix – “a generative rock”.135 In Gordon’s opinion the way of this
birth of Mithras from the inanimate rock “guarantees his divinity, his nonsubjection to human rules, and affirms his independence of the race of
women”.136
But this supportive evidence does not make up for the explicit assertion, which Mithraists had to formulate about their exclusion of women.
In this respect Gordon ascribes a lot of importance to the testimony of
Porfyry.137 He considers this controversial text, whose possible explanatory complications were shortly outlined above,138 as a definition of opposition between “fully initiated” (metechontas) and women (gynaikas),
respectively “fully initiated” and attendants (hyperetountas). Credibility
of this interpretation is further backed up by a contrastive use of the representatives of two different animal categories: lion/hyena and eagle (or
hawk)/raven. Gordon’s explanation of this passage (similarly as before his
interpretation of the symbolic meaning of Mithraic grades) is based on the
collections of “factual” knowledge of the Graeco-Roman antiquity about
the “real” world, which he calls the “encyclopaedia”. He considers Pliny
the Elder’s Naturalis historia and Aelian’s De natura animalium the main
representatives of these compilations collecting universal pieces of information about the world and the nature which subsequently serve as the
starting point of his interpretations.139
135
136
137
138
139
the one given by Gordon; cf. e.g. Maarten J. Vermaseren, “The Miraculous Birth of
Mithras”, Mnemosyne 4, 1951, 285-301; Edwin M. Yamauchi, “The Apocalypse of
Adam, Mithraism, and Pre-Christian Gnosticism”, in: Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin
(ed.), Études Mithriaques, (Acta Iranica 17.I.4), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1978, 537-563:
547-562; R. Merkelbach, Mithras…, 96-98; M. Clauss, Mithras…, 71-79.
CIMRM 1127, 1489-1490 and probably CIMRM 1652; see also the inscription from S.
Stefano Rotondo Mithraeum in Rome, in: R. Beck, “Mithraism since Franz
Cumont…”, 2029.
R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 56.
Porfyry, De abstinetia IV.16.
See pp. 209-210 above.
R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 72, n. 8. – Richard Gordon limits
himself only to the works of the first two centuries CE and his main sources are both
above-mentioned authors. Gordon assumes that “at least in the cases of the animals …
there is good reason to believe that some ideas about them were widely held, and that
Pliny and Aelian do indeed reproduce not esoteric ideas but current ones”. In his opinion, it is also legitimate to suppose that the Mysteries of Mithras “in their use of the
‘real’ world … drew not upon esoteric or geographically specific notions, but upon banal ones”. It should also be generally accepted that “the normal relation to ‘wild’ animals in the Graeco-Roman world came to be a matter not of acute empirical investigation … but of construction useful social meanings on the basis of assumed
knowledge”.
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Ale‰ Chalupa
The list of characteristics attributed to hyenas by these authors is very
unflattering. Hyenas are able to repeatedly change their sex and thus produce offspring without the male.140 These two qualities are already sufficiently ominous to create an unimaginable threat for the male oriented
culture. Gordon also observes that “if the Mysteries believed a myth
which made Mithras the ideal pattern of generation (without the female),
the hyena represents the opposite, an order in which the female reproduces
without the male”.141 Additionally, hyenas are able to reproduce a human
voice, a characteristic, which contributes to their already ambiguous and
confused sexuality and which makes their classification even more problematic.142 They so possess an ability that is essentially human and are
able to use it against men. Moreover, they are endowed with several other
magical powers.143 An animal of this nature was thus perfectly suited to
play a role of the antithesis of the Mithraic means of salvation.144
In Gordon’s view this characteristics persuasively demonstrate that hyena “was an entirely appropriate name for women in a cult committed to
the supremacy of the male or the masculine”, the personification of the
world where “nothing makes any sense and all categories are jumbled together”.145
Finally, Richard Gordon minutely analyzes the variances between the
Mithraic concept of sacrifice known from the tauroctony and the original
Promethean sacrifice at Mekone.146 The Mithraic conception of sacrifice
reflects a completely different attitude to the role of humans in the way of
the world, and therefore also to the role of women in the society.147 In
Gordon’s view, the reorganization of this traditional myth was “an ex-
140 Change of sex: Pliny the Elder, Naturalis historia VIII.105, XXVIII.92; Aelian,
Natura animalium I.25. Offspring without males: Pliny the Elder, Naturalis historia
VIII.105.
141 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 59
142 Pliny the Elder, Naturalis historia VIII.106-107.
143 Pliny the Elder, Naturalis historia VIII.106; Aelian, Natura animalium VI.14.
144 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 60.
145 Ibid., 61.
146 Ibid., 62-63; for the possible differences in the visual image of Mithraic sacrifice and
its “standard” Graeco-Roman practice see also R. Turcan, “La sacrifice mithriaque:
Innovation de sens et de modalités”, in: Jean Rudhardt – Oliver Reverdin (eds.), Le
sacrifice dans l’antiquité, (Entretiens Fondation Hardt XXVII), Vandœvres – Genève
1980, 341-380; R. L. Gordon, “Authority, salvation and mystery…”, 64-71.
147 Detailed interpretation of Hesiodic sacrifice as an archetype of its “standard” form and
its possible implications, see Jean-Pierre Vernant, “At Man’s Table: Hesiod’s Foundation Myth of Sacrifice”, in: Marcel Detienne – Jean-Pierre Vernant, The Cuisine of
Sacrifice among the Greeks, Chicago – London: University of Chicago Press 1989, 2186.
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Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
treme attempt to found, mythically and ritually, the age-old dream of patrilineal societies, to do away with women and leave the world pure and unsullied … but they [i.e. Mithraists] chose to effect the dream in the context not of this world (where it was evidently impossible)148 but of the
next, and to write off this world insofar as it was polluted by hyena,
woman”.149
This exclusion of women caused considerable limitation with respect to
possible massive dissemination of Mithraism.150 But the purely male and
internally coherent structure which emerged as a result of this mythical reorganization and transformation, compensated for this handicap. In
Gordon’s words “what such a sect lost in terms of mass appeal they made
up for in coherence at the level of their fantasy version of what the world
is ‘really’ like”.151
In conclusion it is necessary to state that the real cause of the exclusion
of women remains unclear. Gordon’s interpretations, although they
unquestionably enriched the discussion, did not convince everyone and
they have staunch opponents.152 It is quite evident that Gordon’s attitude
to this question is very radical: the contention that women were systematically excluded from Mithraism, moreover as hyenas, representatives of
the world hostile to men, goes certainly beyond the scope of the available evidence. In the present state of our knowledge this question cannot be
decisively answered. Because of the relative closeness of the cult and the
absence of festivals opened to the public, the Mithraic proselytization
must have proceeded at a level of personal relations.153 In this view the ab-
148 There is no compelling reason to assume that Mithraists lived in celibacy. The epigraphic evidence is in this sense very eloquent: CIMRM 473-474, 510, 526, 715, 730,
863, 911, 1009, 1165, 1434, 1524, 1728, 1766 (and probably also CIMRM 313, 518,
687, 1717) contain the usual wording pro se et suis, attesting their marital status;
CIMRM 2007 begs for protection of a wife and son.
149 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 63.
150 Ibid., 64; If the impact of this exclusion was really so radical and put Mithraism to a serious disadvantage, see the discussion on the pp. 222-228 below.
151 R. L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary…”, 64.
152 Cf. e.g. Noel M. Swerdlow, “Review article: On the Cosmical Mysteries of Mithras”,
Classical Philology 86, 1991, 48-63: 50-51; M. Clauss, Cultores Mithrae…, 264, n. 3;
J. David, “The Exclusion…”, 131-137.
153 See David E. Aune, “Expansion and Recruitment among Hellenistic Religions: The
Case of Mithraism”, in: Peder Borgen – Vernon K. Robbins – David B. Gowler (eds.),
Recruitment, Conquest, and Conflict: Strategies in Judaism, Early Christianity, and
the Greco-Roman World, Atlanta: Ga. Scholars Press 1998, 39-56: 52-53; and (in
a more detailed manner) Marquita Volken, “The Development of the Cult of Mithras
in the Western Roman Empire: A Socioarcheological perspective”, EJMS, 4, 2004
(31.10. 2004; Word document, 20 pp.).
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Ale‰ Chalupa
sence of women could really be regarded as an accidental consequence of
the fact that they were not invited to join in and had almost no opportunity to do so, since Mithraism was most successful exactly in the army and
imperial administration, where women were also absent. Nevertheless,
a certain degree of intentionality seems to be undeniable: Mithraists probably prided themselves on their male exclusiveness and rejected women
more than willingly.154 In all probability both these factors, namely the
lack of opportunities and the ostentatious ostracism, worked together.
VI. The consequences of Mithraic exclusion of women
The last question to be pondered in connection with the object of our
attention is the impact of Mithraic exclusion of women on the possibility
of its further proliferation and survival in the religious world of the late
antiquity. Although this judgment is only rarely pronounced explicitly,155
a general academic consensus is probably very close to the opinion that by
its restriction to the mere half of the population Mithraism lost a great part
of a potential room for its more prominent diffusion and that this handicap led in the end to its ultimate failure in the competition with another
new religious “cult”, which unlike Mithraism accepted women: Christianity.156
This question is narrowly connected with a problem, which has not yet
been closely scrutinized in the literature devoted to the study of Mithraism: the manner of Mithraic conversion and the religious propagation of
this cult. Even though the exact number of Mithraists in any period of its
existence is completely unknown, it would be misguided to conclude on
the basis of relatively small proportions of their underground “caves” that
154 At least by virtue of epigraphic sources this exclusion seems to be almost absolute,
which is remarkable and demonstrates the high level of consistency in attitude of Mithraists to this issue. By way of illustration we can take the Mithraic album – the list of
initiates – from the ancient Virunum (not far away from Klagenfurt in modern Austria),
containing the information about the cult members in the time span of 19 years (probably 183-201 CE) and registering only masculine names (98 in all). See Gernot
Piccottini, Mithrastempel in Virunum, Klagenfurt: Verlag des Geschichtsvereines für
Kärnten 1994, 27, fig. 15.
155 But it could be found, more or less explicitly stated, in F. Cumont, Die Mysterien…,
163; M. J. Vermaseren, “Mithras in der Römerzeit…”, 105-106; R. Turcan, Mithra…,
115; id., The Cults…, 247.
156 Rodney Stark (The Rise of Christianity: A Sociologist Reconsiders History, Princeton:
Princeton University Press 1996, 95-128) expresses the opinion that openness toward
women was one of important factors, which decisively contributed to the unexpected
success of Christianity.
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Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
the total number of the cult’s initiates was small and negligible.157 This
conclusion would be inconsistent with the quantity of surviving archaeological material, which is in Marquita Volken’s opinion “too large to have
been created by an organization made up of a small population, especially taking into consideration that the inscriptions associated with the cult
indicate that the members were not rich social elites”.158
Nevertheless, the majority of our evidence refers to the existence of relatively small groups of men assembled around one cult center as the focal
point of their activities. Iconographic and epigraphic sources definitely
confirmed literary references about the existence of seven-grade initiatory ladder,159 which was scaled by all Mithraists in respective phases of
their progress.160 Because Mithraism seems to have in all places of its
appearance consistent and relatively uniform characteristics,161 it could be
assumed that in its structure there was a well-established organizing
157 Mithraic network must have been quite dense especially in Ostia or Rome. From Ostia
we know 16 mithraeums, at least from the part of the city, which underwent systematic archaeological survey (about one third of the whole area). Since they are arranged
very equally, Filippo Corelli made on the basis of this fact and the comparison of the
size of both cities an estimation that there were some 700 mithraeums in Rome alone
(F. Corelli, “Topografia mitriaca di Roma (con una carta)”, in: Ugo Bianchi [ed.],
Mysteria Mithrae, [EPRO 80], Leiden: E. J. Brill 1979, 69-79: 77). M. Clauss
(Cultores Mithrae…, 17-18) dismissed this number as too high. He himself accepts
some 19 mithraeums found in Rome, Eva M. Steinby (Lexicon Topographicum Urbis
Romae III, Roma: Edizioni Quasar 1993, 257-270) then 27. Cf. also R. Merkelbach,
Mithras…, 184-186. The total number of them was probably much higher, but we can
only guess.
158 M. Volken, “The Development…”, 2; cf. also M. Clauss, Cultores Mithrae…, 266.
159 This sequence, previously known only from one of Jerome’s letters (Epistula CVII ad
Laetam) and sporadic epigraphic material, was corroborated by the discoveries of the
floor mosaic in the Ostian Mithraeum Felicissimus (CIMRM 299) and graffiti in the
Santa Prisca Mithraeum in Rome (CIMRM 480; for their corrected reading see M. J.
Vermaseren – C. C. Van Essen, The Excavations…, 168-169).
160 Objections to this conclusion expressed by Manfred Clauss (“Die Sieben Grades des
Mithraskultes”, ZPE 82, 1990, 183-194; id., Mithras…, 138; id., Cultores Mithrae…,
275-277) are not entirely persuasive; cf. R. L. Gordon, “Who Worshipped…”, 465467; M. Volken, “The Development…”, 11, n. 26.
161 E.g. tauroctony as a motif is everywhere basically uniform. The existing variations are
rather artistic than ideological in nature; cf. Alan Schofield, “The Search for
Iconographic Variation in Roman Mithraism”, Religion 25, 1995, 51-66: 60-62. – But
this fact by no means precludes the existence of regional variations or peculiarities. For
some of them see R. L. Gordon, “Mystery Metaphor and Doctrine in the Mysteries of
Mithras”, in: John Hinnells (ed.), Studies in Mithraism, Roma: “L’Erma” di
Bretschneider 1994, 103-124.
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principle capable of promoting and maintaining this uniformity.162
According to Marquita Volken, “a cult that uses small groups of men organized into cells could use a vertical structure of grades for the cells and
a horizontal structure for an all encompassing hierarchy, thus eliminating
a central figure of authority and central administration and so creating
a flexible and adaptable network … the cult authority would reside in the
enforcement of grade system and the strength of the interpersonal relations and commitment between members.”163 The movement up the initiatory ladder was controlled by the meticulous fulfillment of prescribed initiatory rites, which were probably predated by a trial period and
dependent on some prerequisites. The initiatory rites themselves were,
seen from the perspective of an initiand, emotionally and physically very
distressing (as we can infer from some iconographic finds and one not
a very reliable literary source)164 and their successful completion led to
further strengthening of the mutual relations among the members of the
cult. For these reasons the numbers of initiates active in one center were
probably intentionally restricted.
The horizontal movement of members of the Mithraic communities
then represents an information that was obtained relatively recently and
could be regarded surprising in the context of Hellenistic mystery cults,
though absolutely essential for our understanding of the mode of Mithraic
proliferation. Everything indicates that the vertical movement within the
cells was so uniform and standardized that the initiation in one place enabled the member of the cult who had to for some reasons leave his current
community to join a different one in a different place as the holder of the
162 How exactly was this uniformity established and maintained is unknown. To this few
remarks: the discovery of an inkpot in the mithraeum in Mainz (Ingeborg HuldZetsche, “Ein Mithräum in Mainz”, in: Archäologie in Rheinland-Pfalz 2002, Mainz:
von Zabern 2003, 75-78: 76 and fig. 3) hints at the possible administrative activity archiving economic and religious life of the cult. Also the album from Virunum supports
this conclusion (see p. 222, n. 154 above). – The papyrus published in 1992 (William
M. Brashear, A Mithraic Catechism from Egypt, Wien: Verlag Adolf Holzhausens Nfg.
1992) could be regarded as a literary “textbook” preserving the correct formulation of
questions and answers spoken during the Mithraic initiation (providing that this papyrus is really Mithraic, which is far from certain; cf. R. Turcan, Mithra…, 152-156).
The graffiti from the Santa Prisca Mithraeum are, too, consistent with this theory; see
M. J. Vermaseren – C. C. Van Essen, The Excavations…, 179-184.
163 M. Volken, “The Development…”, 7.
164 The relevant frescoes are from the mithraeum S. Maria Capua Vetere; see M. J. Vermaseren, Mithriaca… I, 24-51, pl. XXI-III and XX-XXVIII. The above-mentioned
literary source is Pseudo-Ambroziaster, Quaestiones veteris et novi testamenti
CXIII.11.
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Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
same grade he already attained in the original community.165 This information seems to be verified by the discovery of album from the Virunum
mithraeum, which also indicates that when the number of initiates in one
center exceeded acceptable limits a split-up occurred and a new community was created.166
But how did Mithraism recruit new members? And why were people
willing to become Mithraists? One way to answer these questions (admittedly a problematic one) is to utilize the findings of contemporary sociology which deals with the problems of religious conversion and try to adapt
them on the conditions of the late antique world, as has been recently
done by American sociologist Rodney Stark with a very stimulating outcome.167 If we apply some of his findings on the study of the Mysteries,
we come to the conclusion that the requirements, which Mithraism as
a new religious movement had to meet to win the recognition on the highly competitive late antique “religious market”, were very severe. However, they were attainable as long as Mithraism concentrated its potential
on the narrowly defined social stratum to which it offered a specific and
attractive “product”.168 And this is the situation that most probably happened. Mithraism directed its attention to the social classes, which were
highly mobile and distinguished themselves by the internal hierarchy
enabling a professional advancement. This structure was religiously imitated in the Mithraic ideology169 and the cult in its final form became
a strange mixture of symposiac society and secret organisation, where the
relations among the members were strengthened by the successive initiations and esoteric doctrine. This doctrine provided the access to the contemporary “high-tec” knowledge of Hellenistic astrology, pretended to be
the source of the ancient “Oriental” wisdom, warned about the “real” dismal nature of the world, life and death and probably also proposed a pos-
165 G. Piccottini, Mithrastempel in Virunum…, 34-35.
166 Ibid., 44-51; 20 names from the album appear also in the remnants of a marble plaque
registering the members of another newly founded cult center (CIL III.4816 = AE
1994, no. 1334).
167 Owing to the unreliability of our demographic data, or even to their complete absence,
the application of some modern sociological theories and approaches could be quite
risky, not to say dangerous.
168 R. Stark, The Rise of Christianity…, 193-195; cf. also M. Volken, “The
Development…”, 5.
169 R. L. Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society…”, 95.
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sible way out of that situation.170 Nevertheless, the number of links with
the current religious tradition remained considerable and Mithraism could
be regarded a novelty due to the structuring of the elements rather than by
the nature of the elements themselves.171
The nature of Mithraic conversion was not primarily the matter of ideology. It was motivated rather by the aspirations to keep the current interpersonal relations or to establish new ones since those were one of the
guarantees of the Mithraists’ survival and prosperity in the unstable and
unpredictable world.172 This mode of conversion based on the personal relations seems to be verified by the discovery of the earthen vessel in
German Mainz (ancient Mogontiacum).173 To enter the Mysteries the intercession of an already existing member of the cult was probably required. This member backed the new candidate, guaranteed his admission
and supervised his progress, always after the fulfillment of certain preconditions. The relations among the Mithraists were thus in accordance
with the relations between a patron and a client, which represented a very
important factor in the working of Roman society, and so played the role
of another character in compliance with the contemporary rules of social
behavior.
But what were the consequences of Mithraic exclusion of women for
the further diffusion of the Mysteries and for their chances in the competition with the Christianity? In his book, devoted to the problems of mission and conversion in the religious world of the Roman Empire, Martin
170 The inscription from Santa Prisca mithraeum, whose wording is probably Et nos servasti … sanguine fuso (see S. Panciera, “Il materiale epigrafico…”, 103-105), confirms that Mithraists saw themselves “saved” in some way. This fact is not to be denied, whether the form of this “salvation” was completely mundane (according to
Robert Turcan, “Salut mithriaque et sotériologie néoplatonicienne”, in: Ugo Bianchi –
Maarten J. Vermaseren [eds.], La soteriologia dei culti orientali nell’impero
romano: Atti del Colloquio Internazionale su La Soteriologia dei Culti Orientali
nell’Impero Romano, Roma, 24-28 settembre 1979, [EPRO 92], Leiden: E. J. Brill
1982, 173-191), or cosmic in the form of the escape of a soul from the sublunar world
to the sphere of fixed stars (according to Roger Beck, “Qui mortalitatis causa convenerunt: The meeting of the Virunum Mithraists on June 26, A. D. 184”, Phoenix 52,
1998, 335-344; id., “In the Place of the Lion…”, 29-50.
171 After Rodney Stark (The Rise of Christianity…, 55), these links with the current religious world substantially facilitated a possible conversion.
172 Cf. ibid., 16-17.
173 See Heinz G. Horn, “Das Mainzer Mithrasgefäß”, Mainzer Archäologische Zeitschrift
1, 1994, 21-66; R. Merkelbach, “Das Meinzer Mithrasgefäß”, ZPE 108, 1995, 1-6;
Roger Beck, “Ritual, Myth, Doctrine, and Initiation in the Mysteries of Mithras: New
Evidence from a Cult Vessel”, JRS 90, 2000, 145-180. The importance of this vessel
lies especially in the fact that it shows “real” Mithraists in two ritual activities, and not
their mythological precedents which we know e.g. from side scenes around the tauroctony.
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Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
Goodman asks a question whether the members of the Hellenistic religious cults ever wanted the people outside their communities to join them
and if they did, whether they wanted everyone to do so without an exception.174 In the case of Mithraism the answer is, in all probability, negative.
Its strength and virtue did not lie in universalism and great numbers, but
in the very close and intimate relations within the narrowly defined communities with restricted membership and strong ties of mutual loyalty.175
This state of affairs could have been created only on condition that the
number of Mithraists in one cell remained limited, even if this condition
required a split-up and the establishment of a new community.176
The potential scope of Mithraic proliferation was thus reduced by the
very nature of this religion, since it furnished the “ideal” product to the
specifically determined social classes whose numbers were never too
great. The exclusion of women would have played its crucial role only if
Mithraism ever declared its own universalistic claims, but this apparently
never happened and most probably could not ever happen. Within the
bounds of the working of Mithraic structure the exclusion of women
caused no serious disadvantage or restrictions, on the contrary, it only invigorated the communal sense of cohesion and helped to create more permanent relations among the cult members.177 The ultimate historical failure of Mithraism had therefore a different cause than the exclusion of
women.
About the degree of competition between Mithraism and Christianity,
there is no need to stretch the evidence we have.178 Social structures of
Mithraism and early Christianities were rather different and early controversy is more a hypothetic assumption than a matter of historically
grounded facts.179 Although the mutual tensions could have grown
gradually, especially in the places with a high density of their followers
174 Martin Goodman, Mission and Conversion: Proselytizing in the Religious History of
the Roman Empire, Oxford: Oxford University Press 1994, 23.
175 This fact could successfully eliminate so-called “free-rider problem”, the existence of
individuals in the cult, whose loyalty and contribution were inadequate to their gains
and profits. Cf. R. Stark, The Rise of Christianity…, 174-179.
176 See p. 224, n. 166 above.
177 M. Clauss, Cultores Mithrae…, 264.
178 Marcel Simon, “Mithra, rival du Christ?”, in: Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin (ed.),
Études Mithriaques, (Acta Iranica 17.I.4), Leiden: E. J. Brill 1978, 457-478: 477-478;
R. Beck, “Mithraism since Franz Cumont…”, 2095; Luther H. Martin, “Roman
Mithraism and Christianity”, Numen 36, 1989, 2-15: 4-6.
179 Carsten Colpe (“Die Mithrasmysterien und die Kirchenväter”, in: Willem Den Boer
[ed.], Romanitas et Christianitas: Studia I. H. Waszink a.d. VI kal. Nov. a 1973, 13 lustra complenti oblata, Amsterdam: North Holland 1973, 29-43) shows Mithraism as an
unimportant target of anti-pagan polemic.
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(Rome and military structures), Mithraism was never a major opponent of
Christianity. In the time when Christianity began to gain ground in the
religious world of the Late Antiquity, Mithraism, which floruit can be put
in the reign of the Severi,180 already stagnated and was slowly declining.
After the publication of Theodosian edicts Mithraism was finally doomed
and quickly disappeared.181 The famous words of Ernest Renan about the
Mithraic world182 form thus a perfect example how the interests of one
religion could completely distort the goals of another: the world could
have never been Mithraic, because the Mithraists in all probability never
had these intentions.
180 M. Clauss, Cultores Mithrae…, 12-13. – This assessment is grounded on the numbers
of datable epigraphic evidence, but these must not necessarily reflect the real vitality
of Mithraism in the different periods of its existence. The Roman epigraphy reached
its zenith exactly in the years 150-250 CE, but later this field rapidly declines (see e.g.
Ramsay MacMullen, “The epigraphic habit in the Roman empire”, American Journal
of Philology 103, 1982, 233-246; Géza Alföldy, “Augustus und die Inschriften:
Tradition und Inovation. Die Geburt der imperialen Epigraphik”, Gymnasium 98,
1991, 289-324). The decrease of Mithraic dedications at the end of the 3rd century CE
could thus reflect rather the general decline of epigraphic culture than the dip in the
current popularity of Mithraism.
181 For the more detailed information about the disappearance of Mithraism in the West,
see Eberhard Sauer, The End of Paganism in the North-West Provinces of the Roman
Empire: The Example of Mithras Cult, Oxford: Tempus Reparatum 1996. – The latest
newly founded Mithraic community is attested in the year 325 CE (the mithraeum in
Gimmeldingen, CIMRM 1313). Except for Rome and so called “pagan restoration”,
we have no evidence for the existence of Mithraism already in the 5th century CE (cf.
M. Clauss, Mithras…, 37-41).
182 Ernest Renan, Marc-Aurèl et la fin du monde antique, Paris: Calmann Lévy 1882, 579:
“Si le christianisme eût été arêté dans sa croissance par quelque maladie mortelle, le
monde eût été mithriaste.”
229
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women
SUMMARY
Hyenas or Lionesses? Mithraism and Women in the Religious World of the Late
Antiquity
This study responds to the recent questioning of the long-standing and widely held academic consensus that only men were initiated into the Mysteries of Mithras (Jonathan
David, “The Exclusion of Women in the Mithraic Mysteries: Ancient or Modern?”, Numen
47, 2000, 121-141). After the re-examination of all relevant epigraphical finds, literary
sources and Mithraic iconography the author of the present study comes to the conclusion
that there is no serious reason for the change of current opinions about the exclusion of
women from Mithraism.
The study also tries to establish the possible cause leading to the development of the
purely male structure of the Mithraic Mysteries. In this respect the most probable solution
is the combination of two factors: firstly, Mithraism operated on the same principles as the
contemporary religious collegiums which also excluded women (with certain exceptions);
secondly, this tendency was probably supported by the negative assessment of feminine
principle in the Mithraic religious ideology.
Although some scholars regarded the male exclusiveness of Mithraism as a substantial
handicap, which in the end led to its final historical failure in the competition with the
Christianity that was more friendly toward women, in the author’s opinion this reason has
no justification. Mithraism catered for the small and closely-knit communities and had no
universalistic aspirations; moreover, it directed its attention to the members of the social
classes, which were never too numerous (soldiers, imperial administration, etc.). In the context of its functioning the exclusion of women thus caused no serious disadvantage and the
reasons for its ultimate failure must be sought elsewhere.
230
Ale‰ Chalupa
RESUMÉ
Hyeny, nebo lvice? Mithraismus a Ïeny v kontextu náboÏenského svûta pozdní
antiky
Tato studie reaguje na nedávné zpochybnûní letitého a ‰iroce sdíleného konsensu, Ïe mezi mithraistické vyznavaãe patfiili pouze muÏi (Jonathan David, “The Exclusion of Women
in the Mithraic Mysteries: Ancient or Modern?”, Numen 47, 2000, 121-141). Po pfiezkoumání epigrafick˘ch nálezÛ, literárních pramenÛ a mithraistické ikonografie dochází autor
této studie k závûru, Ïe Ïádné skuteãnû závaÏné dÛvody ke zmûnû dosavadního konsensu
o vylouãení Ïen z mithraismu neexistují.
Studie se rovnûÏ zam˘‰lí nad moÏn˘mi pfiíãinami vzniku ãistû muÏské struktury
Mithrov˘ch mystérií. Za nejpravdûpodobnûj‰í je v tomto ohledu pokládáno spolupÛsobení
dvou faktorÛ. Mithraistické komunity pfiedev‰ím fungovaly na obdobn˘ch principech jako
soudobá náboÏenská kolegia, která rovnûÏ (aÏ na v˘jimky) Ïeny do sv˘ch fiad nepfiijímala.
Tuto tendenci navíc patrnû podpofiilo negativní hodnocení femininního principu v mithraistické náboÏenské ideologii.
PfiestoÏe nûktefií badatelé pokládali omezení mithraismu pouze na pfiíslu‰níky jednoho
pohlaví za závaÏn˘ handicap, kter˘ v koneãn˘ch dÛsledcích vedl k jeho historickému neúspûchu v soupefiení s kfiesÈanstvím, vÛãi Ïenám vstfiícnûj‰ím, podle autora této studie jejich
pfiesvûdãení neodpovídá realitû. Mithraismus, jehoÏ funkãní struktura byla zaloÏena právû
na existenci mal˘ch a uzavfien˘ch komunit, postrádal univerzalistické ambice a orientoval
se pfieváÏnû na pfiíslu‰níky spoleãensk˘ch vrstev, jejichÏ poãet zÛstával omezen (vojáci, pfiíslu‰níci imperiální správy atd.). V rámci jeho fungování tak vylouãení Ïen nepfiedstavovalo Ïádnou v˘znamnûj‰í slabinu; koneãné pfiíãiny zániku mithraismu je tfieba hledat jinde.
Ústav religionistiky
Filozofická fakulta
Masarykova univerzita v Brnû
Arna Nováka 1
602 00 Brno
ALE· CHALUPA
e-mail: chalupa.ales@volny.cz